Silencing truth

The reason for institutional decline is that regulatory bodies have become soulless bodies that just reveal what the government allows them to reveal

If we fail to plan, we plan to fail — a statement obviously not taken very seriously as far as planning for the future of this country is concerned. With leaders who are supposed to be planning for 200 million people and who constantly talk about their experienced team, stating that the planning commission should be shut down is inexcusable. They substantiate this statement by giving the ‘brilliant’ example that “Emperor Shah Jahan could never have built the Taj Mahal if the planning commission existed in his time.” This reply reflects why our institutions are becoming a laughing stock in the country. The author of this famous quote is none other than Khawaja Asif, who is the minister of water, power and defence. It is not hard to understand that with this attitude the water and power sector has had the worst performance in history causing huge damage to households, industry, investment and employment in the country. The reports coming from regulating agencies — also appointed by the same government — state that the power sector is almost in ICU where massive hemorrhaging is taking place. The auditor general’s report states that audits have found embezzlement, misappropriation and irregularities of around Rs 980 billion. This is almost one fourth of the total budget of Pakistan.

It is a planning failure, it is an implementation failure, it is a fiscal failure, it is a governance failure, it is a management failure, it is a leadership failure but, most of all, it is a mindset failure, a failure that depicts intellectual bankruptcy where severe lack of thinking has led to making the power sector a black hole drawing drowning the country into its abyss of darkness. This ministry has directly led to weakening the backbone of Pakistan economy i.e. the textile industry. Exports in September dipped 21 percent wasting the GSP Plus concessions to European markets. Circular debt, line losses, recoveries and distribution are all horror stories that have no end. Most new projects have become scandalous. Nandipur is a classic case study of Khawaja Asif’s school of thought of how not to plan. From plant size to the type of fuel to the type of management, Nandipur gives shivers to any Pakistani thinking about in whose hands our money lies. Small plant size, diesel instead of oil and a non-engineer as head of the plant are issues that smack of sheer mental retardation and pure mala fide intentions as even for a novice these mistakes are simply ludicrous. To add to this comedy of errors, the Prime Minister (PM) has ordered one more audit on Nandipur. There are already three audits, conducted by the water and power ministry, international audit firm, and the auditor general’s report as well. However, since most of these reports point fingers at the Chief Minister (CM) and the government, they have been hushed and a Joint Investigation Team (JIT) under Justice Nasir Zahid Aslam has been ordered. Wisely, he has also refused, probably fearing the fate of Justice Baqar Najfi’s report on the Model Town massacre.

Effective governance requires effective regulation. Effective regulation requires effective monitoring and evaluation. Effective monitoring requires adherence to audits and implementation on its recommendations. Regulatory bodies are primarily there to assess law enforcement and point out flaws that may become part of a plan by the government to improve performance. However, the reason for institutional decline is that these regulatory bodies have become soulless bodies that just reveal what the government allows them to reveal, as when they expose them truthfully they are put under scrutiny by the government for scrutinising them. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority (NEPRA) is an example that has been warning of gross lack of planning and management in the power sector. From sending wrong bills to shutting down running plants and trying to run shut down plants it has highlighted governance failure. The reaction of government is to say that NEPRA is corrupt itself. The question is: if NEPRA is corrupt then that is also the government’s doing.

Under sham democracies, regulatory agencies are scripted report writers. The script has to be given by the government. Non-compliance to that script results in losing your job or life as well. The ex-National Database and Regulatory Authority (NADRA) chairman, who was doing the thumb verification of NA-118 a year back, was asked to change the script. On his refusal he was sent a termination letter. He went to the court and got himself restored but was again removed. This continued till his daughter received death threats and he resigned and moved with his family to the US. The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) has been used continuously for government intent. The recent pressure on PEMRA to reprimand the media for ‘tarnishing’ the Saudi government’s image is one of many examples. The Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) is another example of shutting up dissenters. In the recent petroleum crisis, OGRA blamed the ministry of petroleum for neglecting the monitoring reserves of oil marketing companies. Chairman Saeed Ahmad Khan was asked to resign or he would be sent on forced leave if he did not accept the blame. Eventually, he had to go. Thus, regulators become regulated by the whims and fancies of the ministers and PM.

The National Accountability Bureau (NAB), Pakistan Medical and Dental College (PMDC) and Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) are examples of institutions in name only. The ECP is another regulator of the election process that has shown how toothless it has become in an attempt to save skins and jobs. From scrutiny of electoral lists to compilation of results its performance has become a big question mark. Some choose to resign like Fakhruddin Ibrahim or Tariq Malik but for most it is a tough choice between careers and a life of harassment thereafter. Thus, simply making a regulatory body and appointing people on it is not the answer. The regulation part will only be conducted effectively if the people chosen for doing that part are capable and empowered enough to take tough decisions of going against the tide. That, unfortunately, only happens when real democracy exists, where the real checks and balances of government are conducted, where real opposition makes the government dance on its toes and where real adherence to laws and enforcement takes place. When ministers talk contemptuously about regulators and degrade planning, they act as guarantors of institutional failure and non-development. It is this state of mind than the state of regulation that needs an overhaul.

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Royalty incorporation

The 10 years in exile in Jeddah with close ties to the royal family had a reinforcing impact on the tendency of PML-N leaders to treat themselves as born to rule heirs to the throne, treating the public as subjects to be used for this purpose

The Saudis are not happy with us. This is the second time in six months that Pakistan has dared to be disloyal to the royals. First it was the parliament of Pakistan insisting that, as a country, we should not support Saudi Arabia in its design to attack Yemen rebels and now it is our media channels giving undue importance to such an ‘insignificant’ figure of almost 1,500 hajis dying in the Mina stampede. When the royal family of Saudi Arabia is not happy the royal family of Pakistan becomes afraid of losing its personal and financial saviour of the past. In an inexplicable response, the government has asked the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) to take notice of channels and talk shows criticisingthe Mina tragedy and holding the Saudi government responsible. Who else do you hold responsible for it? Who accounts for the fact that even after 10 days of the tragedy 90 Pakistanis have been reported dead and 37are still missing? Who is there to empathise with the agony of hundreds of families that have gone through this torture of not knowing where their family members are and then going through the agony of getting the dead bodies back home or having them buried in Saudi Arabia? Is the biggest tragedy of hajj in the last 25 years not something to be debated, analysed and diagnosed to find out who all were behind this incident so that a similar incident does not occur again? Is this simple information sharing by the media or deliberate country maligning?

The answer is simple: it is an order from his highness of Saudi Arabia to the aspiring ‘his highness’ of Pakistan. With Saudi Arabia we share a relationship on multiple fronts. Being a Muslim country and host of the holy pilgrimage it is a bond we respect. Being an oil producer and helping us in tough times, economic ties are also a major factor. However, in case of the present government it goes far beyond just country priorities. First of all,the Prime Minister (PM) got the Saudis to bail him out of jail and out of Pakistan during Musharraf’s time. The 10-year stay in Jeddah brought the ‘wanna be’ royals very close to the Saudi royalty and many of theirbusiness ventures have roots there. Financially also the $ 1.5 billion ‘gift’ that was added to our balance of payments last year was officially owned up by the minister of finance as having Saudi origin. This is a list that makes the Sharif family personally indebted to the Saudi government as well. However, one of the main factors that draws them to the House of Saud is royal living and majestic lifestyles. Saudi Arabia is a monarchy and a kingdom, and Pakistan is a democracy and a parliamentary system but the mental attraction of the royal lifestyle is what creates this bond.

The training and exposure of leaders does affect their mindset and attitude. The Sharifswere bred in the nursery of ZiaulHaq, who was not royalty but an autocrat who worked on his own whims and fancies. The failure of the Sharif government in the first two terms of government showed how that training affected their style of governance. The 10 years in exile in Jeddah with close ties to the royal family had a reinforcing impact on the tendency to treat themselvesas born to rule heirs to the throne, treating the public as subjects to be used for this purpose. One minor example with major impact is the way the PM undergoes foreign travel. In his two-and-a-half-year stint in the office the PM has made 20 foreign trips. One example of this royal entourage accompanying him is the BBC report about his recent tour to the UN. Rs150 million were spent taking 78 people, whose names were not made public but, according to the journalists who were there to cover this trip, the entourage included four cooks who prepared special meals for the PM and his friends. He and his party are merrily dismissing questions regarding the questions being raised by the media over why he did not attend Ban Ki Moon’s reception, Obama’s reception, the terrorist summit etc. That again is the attitude that reflects disconnect with democratic behaviour and connect with the royal ‘as we wish’ attitude. The PM’s blatant preference of taking his personal best friends to the UN General Assembly (UNGA) and his meeting with John Kerry was reported extensively in the media. The only impact of this news is that he is preparing for an even more elaborate trip to the US to meet Obama, which reportedly will cost another Rs 250 million. When asked a question on the extravagance ofthis VVIP tour the minister of railways replied: “Do you expect the PMto go on a scooter or rickshaw?”

This royal style is an acceptable norm under the pretext that since army rule has dominated Pakistan for 30 years thus it will take time for real democracy to establish itself. Under this excuse, the leader of the PPP,Asif Ali Zardari, lives in his palace in Dubai and commands his party leadership to fly over to listen to his command. Similarly, the MQM leader abodes in London and every now and then asks his raabta committee to fly over to have a meeting. Like the royal families their families are also taken care of by public funds. To quote one example, according to the Punjab government, 761 policemen and 52 government vehicles have been provided to the PML-N chief, Nawaz Sharif, Shahbaz Sharif and their families. The Punjab police say at least Rs40,000 is spent in terms of salary, food and many other expenses on one policeman per month, making Rs365.28 million the per annum expense of just policing the family. Fifty-two new vehicles at the disposal of the Sharif family have reportedly cost the national exchequer around Rs104 million. This is just a small peep into the lavish, lordly and royal style people aspire to come into politics for. In this style, money, power and position demand subservience. That is why our royalty is subservient to the Saudis,theUS and the International Monetary Fund(IMF) to name a few and that is why being subservient to the public is just a facade of democracy covering the mentality of royalty.

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Perception matters

The people of Pakistan, with the digital and social media revolution, have accepted that military takeovers are not the answer but they want institutions to be stronger and more empowered

The ex-president says democracy is at stake. The present Prime Minister (PM) says his job is at stake. MQM leaders say the “authorities” are trying to reduce their stakes in Karachi. Is this just rhetoric? Is this just political point scoring? Is this just perception? Is this a new narrative in the making? Or is this reality? These are the questions being asked by the public and analysts, and other political science students. The answer is that even if it is perception or a narrative it matters because perception is based on some reality and has the power to mould events to support that perception to become total reality. The problem is that the rationale given by both party leaders to substantiate their fears that the democratic structure is going to be invaded by a third force is too weak to hold. Both these governments have used saving democracy as a guise to save themselves; hiding behind this plea bargain of an army takeover they have been busy taking over public money and public assets to further their own interest.

The formula is that we will have a mutual cover up for mutual wrongdoings and cry loud and shrilly against any intrusion in this treasure island full of cases of land mafias, power misappropriation, mega project payoffs, etc. It all started with the operation of the Rangers against the MQM to clean up Karachi on this party’s insistence. However, when their own people were being convicted in this drive, they started shouting murder. They complained that they were being targeted by the Sindh government while the PPP said that due process was being followed. As the heat turned towards the PPP, it started shouting first against the army and then against political victimisation by the PML-N. The PML-N denied this and said due process was being followed, till the operation entered Punjab. As ministers and MNAs from Punjab are now being investigated, the PM has started stuttering about “somebody” trying to remove him from his position. Thus the theme is that as long as operation ‘Zarb-e-Ghazab’ is not against our party, welcome, and as soon as we become part of this ‘Ghazab’, cry foul and plead in the name of democracy. They quote the Charter of Democracy (CoD) where they had signed on not committing political victimisation but conveniently forget the accountability clause where they were supposed to make a commission that would do regular accountability of wrongdoers. Instead, a lame National Accountability Bureau (NAB) existed, which has finally given in to the command by the commander-in-chief to shape up and do the job of exposing corruption rather than covering it up.

Fear is a very nasty feeling. It scares, it disturbs and it frustrates. Previously, political parties could sing a song of autocrats taking over and get public sympathy for themselves. The problem now is that the song does not hold true in the present political scenario. The army is taking most of the actions that political parties should have taken but without the intent to takeover the government. The reason why the cry for democracy being endangered is not ringing the same alarm bells is due to the fact the perception of the public about the two narratives is different. While the political parties’ narrative is about victimisation and unconstitutional forces, the armed forces’ narrative is about not being interested in power but very interested in public interest. This narrative has gone down very well with the people generally. To substantiate this fact we must look at the latest PILDAT survey on people’s opinions about the government and state institutions in Pakistan. The highest rating obtained is by the armed forces where 75 percent of the people perceive them to be the best institution, delivering results. On the other hand, political parties in general have lost the trust of the public and only 35 percent people feel that they are delivering on their promises. This contrast may ring alarm bells and give politicians a chance to scream over the dangers to democracy. However, public opinion on democracy as the best system to govern denies all this. As much as 66 percent of the people feel that democracy is the way forward and an overwhelming 80 percent want local elections as a solution to their everyday problems.

What do all these perceptions reveal? It is very simple: the people of Pakistan, with the digital and social media revolution, have accepted that military takeovers are not the answer but they want institutions to be stronger and more empowered to ensure that those political parties that cannot deliver are held accountable. In the same survey the lowest rating went to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and police. The police are the lowest with 32 percent and the ECP is at 37 percent, expressing extreme dissatisfaction towards the electoral system and the law and order management of these institutions. Not far ahead in this ranking of the lowest are civil courts that score 43 percent. The High Courts and media score 62 percent and 53 percent respectively. This analysis clearly shows that the old excuse of crying wolf by political parties when their performance and corruption is exposed will not work. Thus, the present operation against political parties over corruption is more than welcomed by the public as it is not being done after dislodging democracy.

Thus, the two narratives, one by the politicians and the other by the armed forces, present a very interesting picture. Politicians have not learned from their past and are repeating the same old stale spin that is completely off the pulse of the public. Their approach, messages, tone and strategy are all so predictable that it is at best some fodder for parody shows. The armed forces have done their homework and learnt from the past. The lesson they have learnt is that, be it Zia or Musharraf, even if the country performed better economically, public perception turned negative against them in the long run. Also, when in power, they needed politicians and had to compromise on corruption, which loosened their grip on corruption and public perception. Therefore, their approach, messages, tone and strategy are fresh, innovative and spot on the public pulse. However, the real test of this perception turning into reality will be whether it is based on just the Raheel Sharif phenomenon or, after his retirement, continues as an institutional code of conduct.

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